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Charity law - a political scandal?

Alison Dunn

Copyright © 1996 Alison Dunn.
First Published in Web Journal of Current Legal Issues in association with Blackstone Press Ltd.

Summary

Introduction

The 1995 Charity Commission Guidelines

Two useful developments

Causes for concern?

Reform

Bibliography

Introduction

The rationale for restricting charities from engaging in political activities lies in the notion that a political purpose fails to satisfy the requirement of public benefit, an essential qualifier for a purpose to be charitable. This is due in part to the wide diversity in political tenets, the need for the judiciary to remain politically neutral, and, as Lord Parker stated in Bowman v Secular Society Ltd [1917] AC 406 at 442, "because the Court has no means of judging whether a proposed change in the law will or will not be for the public benefit". So, for example, charities whose purposes have been to support a political party, or reform a particular law, have been held to be political and not charitable.(2) However, charities may engage in political activity where that activity is subsidiary to the principal purpose of the charity, for example see Re Koeppler's Will Trusts [1986] Ch 423.(3) The practical dividing line between a political purpose and a political activity ancillary to a charitable purpose, however, remains largely unclear. As Parliament has steadfastly refused to either incorporate political purposes into charitable trusts, or indeed provide any form of clarification upon the issue, the position of charity trustees precariously attempting to walk the tightrope between what is and is not permitted remains.(4) In the context of providing support for trustees, the updated guidelines issued by the Charity Commission are invaluable in their attempt to clarify an unacceptably uncertain area.

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The 1995 Charity Commission Guidelines

According to the Commission, a political activity is acceptable if :

"there is a reasonable expectation that the activity concerned will further the stated purposes of the charity, and so benefit its beneficiaries, to an extent justified by the resources devoted to the activity; the activity is within the powers which the trustees have to achieve those purposes; the activity is consistent with [the] guidelines; [and] the views expressed [by the charity] are based on a well-founded and reasoned case and are expressed in a responsible way" (para 12).

This embracing statement is elaborated in greater detail in paragraphs 15-62 of the guidelines. To take a few examples, a charity may influence government and public opinion, though it should only do so through accurate, well founded and reasoned argument based upon research or experience, and then only upon a matter directly related to the charity's purpose or the charitable sector as a whole (para 23). Additionally, a charity may comment upon changes in the law or government policy (para 33), and advocate or oppose such change (para 34). Whilst a charity cannot support a political party, it may nevertheless have a political view and advocate particular political solutions, providing it makes it clear that its views are independent of any political party (paras 39, 40). Charities may organise and present petitions to the Houses of Parliament or local government (para 26), and in a well-received change from the previous guidelines, a charity may both inform its supporters or the public how Members of Parliament have voted on particular issues, and provide them with material (such as the previously banned pre-printed postcards) to send to Members of Parliament to express the charity's and the supporters' viewpoint on a given political issue (paras 24, 25).

In carrying out the above a charity may not, inter alia, participate in party political demonstrations (para 28); attempt to influence government or public opinion through inaccurate or distorted data (para 27); invite either its members or the public to support its position without providing them with sufficient information (para 31); overstep the boundary between education and propaganda (para 32); persuade the public to vote for or against a particular candidate or political party (para 49); or undertake research with another body where it is clear that the latter's intention is to use the research for party political or propagandist purposes (para 53). The penalties for breaching the restrictions against political activities are elaborated in the final section of the guidelines (paras 56-60). They emphasise that a breach will amount to a misapplication of charity funds, and could, for example, lead to withdrawal of taxation relief.(5) Where a breach is suspected, the Commission will first seek an explanation from the charity. If that explanation is unsatisfactory, the Commission will use their discretion in imposing a suitable penalty. Depending upon the circumstances, the Commission may purely provide the charity trustees with advice, or, at the other end of the scale, it may initiate formal proceedings to recover the misapplied funds and restrict the charity from further political activities (para 58). It is unlikely that a breach of the restrictions on political activities would cause the Charity Commission to remove the charity from the Charities' Register. However, any charity seeking to exploit this detail should beware of the ultimate consequences, for as paragraph 60 of the guidelines states:

"If...the trustees could argue successfully that the express purposes of the institution were wide enough to cover impermissible political activities, then the question of whether the organisation was established for exclusively charitable purposes would arise, and could lead to its removal from the Register of Charities."

Interestingly, as well as the more specific penalties, the guidelines further stress the wider risks for a charity, and indeed for the sector as a whole, of embarking upon unacceptable political activities and misapplying funds. That wider danger is the loss of public support - be it financial or moral (para 56). Whilst this may be a risk that some charities are willing to take in furtherance of their aims or principles, it remains clear that in the present climate of declining donations and donor scepticism on the efficiency and efficacy of the sector, this could prove in fact to be the most compelling of 'penalties'.

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Two useful developments

On a topical note, the 1995 guidelines include advice on the political use by charities of emotive advertising material. Enormous pressures have been put upon charities' fund-raising in recent years. Despite moves to introduce more and easier methods of planned donations, charities have seen their income diminish in real terms.(6) This fall has been exacerbated by the introduction of the National Lottery. For example, the National Council for Voluntary Organisations (NCVO) has estimated that during the first year of operation of the Lottery, £276 million of charitable donations would be lost (NCVO 1995). (It does not appear that this fall in donations will be offset by grants made to charities by the National Lottery Charities Board. An overall loss is therefore expected.) Whilst the long term effects of the latter cannot as yet be predicted, charities have been forced to reassess traditional modes of fund-raising. Some charities have become more aggressive in their advertising techniques in order to counter the decrease in donations. As a result, the use of emotive material to highlight issues and engage the compassion of the public is becoming increasingly common. In terms of campaigning and of seeking to influence government and public opinion, the Charity Commission guidelines emphasise the need for "well-founded, reasoned argument based on research or direct experience" (para 23). Whilst the use of emotivity is not ruled out, the circumstances in which it may be used are circumscribed: paragraph 20 of the guidelines states:

"Provided all other requirements are met, material produced in support of a campaign may have emotional content. Indeed, the Commission accepts that the areas in which many charities work it is difficult to avoid engaging the emotions of the public. But it would be unacceptable (except where the nature of the medium makes it impracticable to set out the basis of the charity's position) for a charity to seek to persuade government or the public on the basis of material which was merely emotive." (emphasis added - see also para 30)

Further, if the medium used to advertise prohibits factual support for a charity's position, they must nevertheless be able to provide evidence of that factual support if questioned. The explicit inclusion by the Charity Commission of guidelines upon emotive material is a welcome move forward, and may combat the rise in 'shock' advertising techniques increasing prevalent in print and other forms of advertising medium. In some circumstances regulation already occurs through the operation of the Advertising Standards Authority (ASA), who touched on the use of emotive material in advertising by charities in a recent report. In upholding complaints against a cinema advertisement of a particular charity, the ASA acknowledged the financial pressures placed upon charities, but cautioned against the wide effects of claims that did not "stand up to scrutiny". The wider effects highlighted by the ASA mirror those emphasised by the Charity Commission, that is, the penalty of loss of public support. The ASA commented (ASA 1995, p 1):

"Overstepping the line between presenting a possibly distressing, but accurate, picture of their cause and misinforming people about an issue by exaggerating or stretching the truth, exploits the trust that the public have in charities and certain pressure groups." (emphasis added)(7)

However, whilst tighter regulation of the use of emotive material is foreseen, the Charity Commission provide little indication in their guidelines as to the precise dividing line between what is an acceptable or non-acceptable use of such material. The dividing line is important if, for example, the powerful and intrusive nature of audio and audio-visual advertisements is not to be abused.(8)

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Causes for concern?

On a point associated with the demarcation of boundaries, it should be noted that whilst the Charity Commission give an indirect interpretation of political activity through identifying various forms of permissible and non-permissible actions by charities, the guidelines do not directly ascertain the breadth of the term 'political'. Reference is made within the guidelines (see paras 5, 6 and the Annex) to established case law, which indicate that the term 'political' is to be construed widely, though it has limits. This was recognised by Slade LJ in McGovern v Attorney General [1982] Ch 321, at 340, when he stated:

"Trusts for political purposes...include (inter alia) trusts of which a direct and principal purpose is either - (i) to further the interests of a particular political party, or (ii) to procure changes in the laws of this country, or (iii) to procure changes in the laws of a foreign country, or (iv) to procure a reversal of government policy or of particular decisions of governmental authorities in this country, or (v) to procure a reversal of government policy or of particular decisions of governmental authorities in a foreign country."

The construction of the term was recently considered by Kennedy LJ and McCullough J in the case of R v Radio Authority, ex parte Bull [1995] 4 All ER 481. Bull concerned an application by the British Section of Amnesty International for judicial review of a decision made by the Radio Authority (the body which regulates commercial radio) in which the Radio Authority refused to broadcast an advertisement on behalf of Amnesty. Under the Broadcasting Act 1990, s 92(2)(a) the Radio Authority is required not to broadcast an advertisement:

"(i)...by or on behalf of any body whose objects are wholly or mainly of a political nature, (ii) an advertisement which is directed towards any political end."

According to Rule 8(a) of the Radio Authority Code of Advertising Standards:

"The term 'political' here is used in a wider sense of 'Party Political'. The prohibition precludes, for example, issue campaigning for the purposes of influencing legislation or executive action by local or national government."

One of the questions before the Court was whether the Radio Authority had correctly interpreted the term 'political' in the Broadcasting Act. In construing the term and interpreting s 92(2)(a) of the Act, the Court found that 'political' as a concept was a wide one - going beyond the notion of party politics, and encompassing any activity which transcended into government policy. In reaching this conclusion the Court sought assistance from Slade LJ in McGovern, and also drew support from the House of Lords in Tzu-Tsai Cheng v Governor of Pentonville Prison [1973] AC 931, where Lord Diplock stated (at 945):

"...politics are about government. "Political" as descriptive of an object to be achieved must, in my view, be confined to the object of overthrowing or changing the government of a state or inducing it to change its policy."

However, whereas McGovern and Tzu-Tsai Cheng seemed content to leave political activities at procuring change in policy, McCullough J in Bull seemed to cast the net wider - an activity would be political if it pertained to government policy. Whilst McCullough J stated (at p 500) that the fact something could be achieved by legislation would not make it political, the point was added that:

"Once the matter has become the subject of government policy, or once the need for legislation about it is advocated, particularly if the matter has become contentious, then, as it seems to me, it is open...to treat it as 'political'."

This construction could have potentially wide reaching consequences, not least because a majority of charities, whilst not procuring change in government policy, nevertheless are concerned with politically sensitive areas which pertain to government policy, such as housing, health, education and welfare. If one takes McCullough J's view of 'political' to its natural limits, it could embrace all those activities falling short of procuring a change in policy, the everyday work of charities. Admittedly, Bull was not a case concerning construction of the term 'political' in the charity context, it concerned judicial review and interpretation of the Broadcasting Act. Nevertheless its view of the extent of the term is significant. Future editions of the Charity Commission's guidelines would benefit from clarification upon the grey area of activities which pertain to government policy.

The explicit demarcation of acceptable and non-acceptable political or campaigning activity by charities in guidelines such as the ones published by the Charity Commission would, however, be resisted by many - the basis of that resistance following the same rationale that has prevented Parliament legislating in this area. In considering the issue of whether to embrace political purposes as legitimate charitable purposes, the 1989 White Paper ultimately opposed the making of such a recommendation, since legislation would "have the disadvantage of laying down inflexible rules instead of allowing the law to develop in the light of particular cases which may present features which cannot now be foreseen" (para 2.44). But it is a paradox that the preservation of flexibility highlighted in the White Paper, and which has so dominated the thrust of charity law, can actually exist as both the area's strength and its weakness. On the positive side, charities, in the main, act in response to social need, and thus must retain enough flexibility to mirror the changes in society, social expectations and social attitudes. In this context, the inflexibility of specific legislation (or guidelines) would hinder the effectiveness of charities. Here, the quick and unfettered ability to respond to change is a strength. Conversely, the attempt to preserve the pliancy and diversity of charities from the impediment of rigid legislation (or guidelines) can be stifling, especially in the context of political activity. For example, to stave off strict regulation an emphasis is placed in the guidelines upon charities to self-regulate their political activities (para 14). Yet, without unambiguous guidelines concerning the boundaries of acceptable political behaviour, self-regulation becomes difficult. In a climate of uncertainty, moreover, the threat of penalties for unlawful activity will tend to preclude participation in the political arena, which ultimately prevents the area from developing and changing. Here then, the preservation of diversity becomes the stick of restraint.

A second concern arising from the Charity Commission guidelines relates to the ability of smaller charities to influence government or public opinion. Paragraph 23 of the guidelines states that whilst charities may influence government or public opinion, they may only do so "through well-founded, reasoned argument based upon research or direct experience" (emphasis added). The requirement of accurate and justifiable argument is essential for informed debate. In a democratic society, so too is the ability for all voices to be heard. It has been stated that "The voice of charity can be the voice of conscience in a society where such voices are often drowned out"(9) , and smaller charities often represent the only outlet for those in society who are not accommodated by the large main stream charities, but who are vulnerable and require representation nevertheless. The main pressure that smaller charities are under is a strain upon resources. They have been hit hard by falling donations, and whilst some may benefit from the grants made by the National Lottery Charities Board, those grants may not be received in time to offset the fall in donations.(10) In this climate, the requirement for charities to undertake research to support argument, though laudable, is likely to be beyond their resources. Further, the use of charity funds to undertake research must in any event be within a charity's ambit, and must be for the public benefit. (The Charity Commission is currently taking consultation on the issue of research.) Additionally, those with insufficient direct experience to support their argument will have a diminishing opportunity to present their views, and participate in political activities.(11) This could prove to be regrettable. One of the chief characteristics of current charity law is its great diversity. The legal structure and the looseness of the categories of charitable status evident from Commissioners for Special Purposes of Income Tax v Pemsel [1891] AC 531, the Preamble of the 1601 Statute of Charitable Uses, and up to four hundred years of case law, has enabled a myriad of charities with a myriad of purposes to come into existence. Despite criticisms in some quarters (12) as to the effectiveness of a huge body of organisations enjoying charitable status, overall their diversity enriches society and enables the spirit of philanthropy to be accommodated alongside the wide relief of vulnerability. A threat to this diversity - be it via the extinction of individual charities through financial pressure, or effective exile from the political framework because of a lack of resources to fund research - is a threat both to the spirit of the area as a whole, and to adequate representation for vulnerable individuals in particular.

One absence from the 1995 guidelines is the form of any practical advice to trustees of those charities who have entered into contracts with the government to provide state services, such as healthcare. The growth in a 'contract culture' over recent years raises many concerns (see Knight 1993, ch 3), including how far humanitarian ideals are being subjugated in order to relieve government burdens. In the political context, however, it raises the issue of how far charities have created a conflict of interest with their - albeit limited - political freedom by effectively compromising their independence. Whilst the Government have stated that they "seek a free, vigorous and creative partnership with the voluntary sector" (H M Government 1992), the price charities may be forced to pay for this 'partnership' could possibly be the forfeiture of their ability to undertake a degree of political activity in order to safeguard their contract. Admittedly, this type of political issue is more oblique than those considered by the Charity Commission in its guidelines, but nevertheless it is an example of an additional practical issue facing charities when they consider whether or not to campaign.

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Reform

"The safeguards which the law provides are indispensable to prevent what are essentially political factions or pressure groups from assuming the guise of charity. It is vital in the longer term interests of the public and charities alike, that political and charitable purposes should remain distinct."

In an attempt to prevent fringe groups or extreme political activists gaining a degree of legitimacy through charitable status (and hence from receiving public subsidisation through generous taxation exemptions), the current law has overlooked the full potential charities have to act for the common good. If the Government is seeking a successful union with the charitable and voluntary sector it will need to take on board the political aspects of charities, and consider the role charities could usefully play in a social and political order. They have the experience. Charities and their legal structure were founded in an overtly political climate, and both have the competency to take on a political role. The Preamble to the 1601 Statute of Charitable Uses was reputedly enacted to quell possible social disturbance and formed part of a systematic and tight programme of Elizabethan social reform (see Holdsworth 1922, pp 396 ff).(13) Further, the framework for charitable purposes enabled private philanthropy to be channelled into easing parochial burdens; be they the relief of the aged, the impotent and poor people, the education of orphans, or the maintenance of houses of correction. Charity has not shaken free from those origins and continues to exist in a political environment dealing with political issues, such as poverty or education. Given their lineage, and the unique position they occupy in society, charities have the singular ability to directly assess the efficiency and effectiveness of current Government policy or legislation, and upon the basis of that experience they have a valid contribution to make in the political arena. Charities may, of course, establish non-charitable bodies to take on a political role. But that non-charitable arm remains financially distinct from the main charity, and as a result it is not a feasible option for smaller organisations. In any event, separation is not a long term solution to the cut in freedom of speech.

In the context of trends in the sector as a whole, this is, moreover, a particularly judicious time for reform. The area is experiencing a challenging period, uncertain of its own identity and direction as it moves towards the third millennium. Cracks are surfacing in a legal structure principally designed for flexible operation, but which has increasingly to combat criticism and calls for tighter regulation. The particular timing of a number of recent reports on the sector calling for a reorganisation, a 'renaissance', have resulted in an intense focus on the charitable arena (see Mulgan & Landry 1995, p 8; Knight 1993). For example, whilst the financial advantages afforded charities via taxation exemptions have continually been questioned, those questions only appear now to be gathering any impetus. Additionally, donors and beneficiaries, disillusioned by a climate of corporate fraud, are demanding that charities too display a greater degree of accountability and business acumen.(14) In the last twelve months moreover, the National Lottery has added the final touch, principally by placing pressure upon charitable donations as a consequence of a widespread public misconception concerning the precise proportion of each lottery stake siphoned off to the National Lottery Charities Board (currently only 5.6 pence in the pound).

These diverse pressures have political consequences, and despite the wide range of activities identified by the Charity Commission in their guidelines as acceptable for a charity to pursue, many charities are nevertheless held back by current law from campaigning against Government policy. For some the political restrictions will not present too onerous a problem, though that position is not applicable to all, in particular, to those charities that deal with health or poverty and for whom current law and government policy directly impacts upon their work, and, ultimately, their effectiveness. Admittedly, effectively securing and implementing change on a political level will not be free from difficulty. There are many barriers to overcome. For example, one objection to political legitimisation has been the exploitation of donors (see the 1989 White Paper, para 2.41) who may find that their donations are being used to fund actions that are adverse to their own political principles. This is a valid objection. For charities that wish to pursue an active political function, full and accessible information as to their political stance and objectives should be freely available to donors, so that the latter have the opportunity to make up their own mind whether to donate. Another valid objection arises from R v Radio Authority, ex parte Bull. In a postscript to his judgement, Kennedy LJ stated, (at 496), that "it is worth recognising that something which may appear to be an unnecessary restriction upon a good cause could also usefully restrain something manifestly less worthy." It is implicit from this that safeguards will need to be built into the legal structure to prevent extreme fundamentalism prejudicing the common good. This will not be easy. But despite the barriers and the difficulties, the opportunities that currently present themselves for sensible revision need to be grasped. At the moment, charities exist in a form of political limbo. It is anomalous that many perform political functions, but do not have a clear and unequivocal political voice.

The Charity Commission guidelines highlighted above do not provide charities with that clear voice, and they do not resolve the anomalies in the law - nor should they, since such an embrace properly rests with Parliament. Nevertheless, the 1995 guidelines have significance. On a practical level, they are clearer and better organised than the ones they replace and provide essential support to charity trustees as they walk through the political minefield. On a more fundamental level the guidelines serve, albeit unconsciously, to highlight the need for reform, or at least for Parliament to provide clarification in the area. On a final note, whilst it may be said that "where there is no vision, the people perish" (Proverbs 29:18), in the context of charities, it should be added that in addition to vision, there also has to a be a clear opportunity for expression.

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Advertising Standards Authority (1995) Report Number 53 (London: ASA).

Charity Commission (1995) Political Activities and Campaigning by Charities (London: CC).

Charity Commission (1994) Political Activities and Campaigning by Charities (London: CC).

Duke of Edinburgh (1994) 11th Annual Arnold Goodman Lecture (London: CAF).

Gaines, A (1995) 'Stand by your claims' 69 NCVO News (November) 8.

H M Government (1992) The Individual and the Community: The Role of the Voluntary Sector (London: HMSO).

Holdsworth, W (1922), History of English Law, Vol. 1, (London: Methuen & Co).

Knight, B, (1993) Voluntary Action (London: Centris).

Mulgan, G & Landry, C (1995) The Other Invisible Hand: Remaking Charity for the 21st Century (London: DEMOS).

NCVO (1995) The Impact of the National Lottery on charitable donations from the general public (London: NCVO).

White Paper (1989) Charities: A Framework for the Future (London: HMSO) Cm 694.

(1) The Charity Commission's Home Page may be viewed at http://www.open.gov.uk/charity/cchome.htm Back to text

(2) See, for example, Bowman v Secular Society Ltd [1917] AC 406, National Anti-Vivisection Society v IRC [1948] AC 31, McGovern v Attorney General [1982] Ch 321. Back to text

(3) In this case a gift was made to a non-party political association ('Wilton Park') whose purpose was to promote greater co-operation in Europe. This was accepted as a valid charitable purpose. Back to text

(4) Legislating upon the political activities of charities was discussed and dismissed in the 1989 White Paper, Charities: A Framework for the Future (Cm 694) Chapter 2. Back to text

(5) The statutory provisions providing taxation relief are various and include: Income and Corporation Taxes Act 1988 (consolidating the 1986 Finance Act) s 505 (exemption from income or corporation tax on a charity's income); Taxation and Chargeable Gains Act 1992, s 256 (exemption from tax on capital gains); Local Government Finance Act 1988, s 43(5) (local taxation relief at 80% of non- domestic rate); Finance Act 1982, s 129 (exemption from stamp duty); Finance Act 1977, s 57 (exemption from National Insurance Surcharge). Relief for donors which can also aid charities include: Income and Corporation Taxes Act 1988, ss 660-662 (enabling charities to recoup tax on covenanted sums over 4 years); Inheritance Tax Act 1984, s 23 (no inheritance tax on charitable legacies); Taxation and Chargeable Gains Act 1992, s 241 (disposition to charity does not cause donor to be saddled with tax on a capital gain otherwise taxable). Back to text

(6) Donations may be made to charities by a variety of tax efficient methods: for example, by deed of covenant, gift aid, and Give As You Earn (G.A.Y.E). Charity accounts and affinity cards have also been introduced. Some charities also receive income from the Government. Central Government funding to voluntary organisations in the period 1993/4 amounted to £3,567 m., and in the period 1994/5, £19,663m was given to organisations in England under the Health Services and Public Health Act 1968, s 64 General Scheme. Back to text

(7) The ASA upheld complaints against the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC) for a cinema advertisement which featured a foetus disturbed by arguing parents. The ASA decided (at p 20) firstly, that the NSPCC had not "demonstrated to be true" its implication that a foetus could be emotionally disturbed and, secondly, that the advertisement could cause unjustified distress. The ASA Report also concerned complaints against advertisements made by Friends of the Earth, International Fund for Animal Welfare and Greenpeace. However, whilst those bodies do have charitable branches, the advertisements were made by the non-charitable sections of those organisations. Back to text

(8) One argument in R v Radio Authority, ex parte Bull [1995] 4 All ER 481, at 492 was that freedom of speech had to be weighed against "the right of listeners to the radio not to be bombarded with information which they may not wish to receive. When an advertisement is on a hoarding or in a newspaper the reader can decide at a glance how much, if any, of it he wishes to read. If it is inserted into a radio programme which he wants to hear he has no similar way of curtailing it. The medium is intrusive. That is why it is powerful." Back to text

(9) per Alun Michael MP, Labour Party Press Release, 26th January, 1995. Back to text

(10) Cancer charities have been particularly vulnerable in this respect. Many have been hit by the Lottery 'Instants' and are not to be included within the National Lottery Charities Board programme of grants until the 'Health, Disability and Care Theme' in Spring 1996. Back to text

(11) This may occur, for example, where a charity wishes to argue against the enactment of particular legislation, but has insufficient experience of the practical consequences of the proposed legislation to support an argument against it. Back to text

(12) Notably the Duke of Edinburgh in delivering the 11th Annual Arnold Goodman Lecture, June 1994. Back to text

(13) Three statutes were enacted in 1601 along the theme of relief: one concerning the poor law (43 Eliz. c.2), another concerning the relief of poor mariners and soldiers (43 Eliz. c.3), and the Act of Charitable Uses (43 Eliz. c.4). Further, earlier statutes also indicated the state's preoccupation with the maintenance of order and the nature of society. See: 22 Hen. VIII c.12 a statute designed to keep the poor within their own parish, and to apprentice poor boys, 27 Hen. VIII c.25 setting up penalties for giving money to unlicensed beggars, 14 Eliz. c.5 defining the professional and the real poor, 39 Eliz. c.3 permitting taxation of the parish to set the poor to work, and finally 39 Eliz. c.4 concerning 'houses of correction' for the vagabond poor. Back to text

(14) This has been reflected in the trends of recent charity legislation. For example, stringent duties to account may be found in the Charities Act 1993, ss 41-49 (re-enacting the Charities Act 1992, ss 19-27 and coming into force on March 1st 1996). In October 1995 Accounting by Charities - Statement of Recommended Practice was published by the Charity Commission, examining, inter alia, charitable funds, donations and classifying expenditure. Control of fund-raising may be found in Part II of the Charities Act 1992, and the Charitable Institutions (Fund-Raising) Regulations 1994. There has also been a focus upon the investment duties of charity trustees, a topic recently considered in this journal by D. Morris in 'Charity Investment in the UK: Some Contemporary Issues for the 1990s' [1995] 3 Web JCLI. The corporate ethos is, moreover, permeating into the attitude of many charity managers, as well as into legislation, and business concepts are beginning to dominate managerial agendas in a greater degree than before. Whilst the move towards improving efficiency and accountability is a trend to be welcomed, that welcome remains a cautious one. Charities should beware of marginalising the needs of their beneficiaries and the loss of sight of their ultimate purposes in an attempt to increase cost- effectiveness. Back to text